Monday, August 25, 2014

The Folly of Revolutions

What I most loathe about revolutions[1] is their peculiar brand of ‘justice.’ Revolutionary justice is social justice. What I mean by social justice is not helping the poor or liberating trafficking victims or any other of the modern, broad meanings we commonly attach to this word. I use the term literally: social justice is justice meted out to societies, that is to groups of people, as opposed to individuals.

In a social justice framework people are generally divided into two groups. One of these groups is the oppressor, the other, the oppressed. Justice entails the liberating of the oppressed group from the oppressor and that liberation is often brought about through violent means. So, for example, Marxists view the world in terms of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie; the Nazis in terms of Aryans and non-Aryans, etc. In dispensing justice, a revolutionary does not examine the individual merits of the case, but rather simply asks: to which group you belong?

Take for example the case of an injury in a factory. Say that the owner and a worker were talking when the worker fell and significantly injured himself. A Marxist would automatically assume that the factory owner was culpable. He would not ask questions like, was the owner a just man, was this a safe working environment (e.g. did he fall over a guard rail or because no guard rail was present), was this an accident, was there an argument preceding the fall and if so, who was the aggressor and who was in the wrong, etc. By virtue of being who he is, the factory owner is guilty. Likewise, the Marxist would not ask whether or not the worker was drunk when he was harmed, whether or not that owner was acting in self-defense of defense of another, etc. If he is a member of the proletariat he is by definition exploited and therefore not in the wrong.

This is a crudely drawn example, but you don’t need to read far in the Communist Manifesto to see that Marx had a very crude notion of justice. When revolutions succeed and this type of justice is put into place, oppressors do suffer. But they are not alone. When revolutions succeed, everyone suffers.

Oppression does exist. There has been imperialism, colonialism, sexism, racism, homophobia, and good old-fashioned bourgeois exploitation. The problem is, any time people have revolted against oppression and succeeded they have made matters worse, not better. If you think I am wrong, move to Honduras or Cuba, or any other nation with a revolutionary past and tell me how good life is.

The country I know the most about is Russia and it is an instructive example. Under the last few Tsars, around 4,000 people were executed for their political views. These men and women committed no crime. They simply thought or spoke something that the Tsar disagreed with. What is more, the Tsar shut down a number of papers, prohibited the publishing of the number of books, and locked away tens of thousands simply because they did not think the way he wanted them to think. This was unconscionable and unjust. People were rightly upset about this, but instead of working towards reform, they revolted. To their detriment, they succeeded. When the Bolsheviks took power, they don’t kill people by the thousands, tens of thousands, or even by the hundreds thousands. At the height of Stalin’s purge, over 1 million people were being executed each year—more people were being executed for political crimes every day under Stalin, than were killed in decades under the Tsars.

Men died by virtue of their status or class. If you were a Kulak, an independent, successful peasant-farmer, you were deemed an oppressor and were often times executed. The Soviet press gloried in this. They would say things like, the people’s justice does not think, it acts. They rejoiced that they wasted no time on bourgeois conventions like due process or the rule of law. Because of their crude theory, it was clear who the bad guys were even before the facts came out. And when the facts came out, they were adjusted to fit the narrative.

Again, this is not to say that there was not serious oppression in Russia before the Bolsheviks took power. There was. Under the Bolsheviks, the cure was simply worse than the disease. They were like doctors prescribing the guillotine to a man with a headache. And again, to reiterate, it was not just the bourgeoisie that suffered under the Soviets. Life got worse for every class of society, including those who were oppressed and had pushed for revolution in the first place.

In studying history we see clearly the wisdom of the Bible. Throughout the New Testament, most notably in the 13th chapter of Romans, the apostles enjoin us to submit ourselves to governing institutions. This is because bad government is better than no government. Tyranny, even when the tyrant is a man like Nero or Caligula, is better than anarchy. Now this does not mean that Christians should sit idly by in the face of oppression. On the contrary. Christians are expected to stand against injustice. But we need to recognize that the institutions in place have been put in place by God. We are therefore to work within these institutions to bring change; we are not upend and destroy them, no matter how unjust they may be. To put it another way, Christians are called to be reformers, not revolutionaries. And throughout history Christians have brought about great moral reforms—they abolished infanticide and slavery in the ancient world, mitigated the horrors of war in the Middle Ages, fought for universal suffrage in the modern age, etc. 

One of the best books[2] I ever read was by a couple of Jewish–German socialists. These men thought that parliamentary style democracy was unjust. They thought that wealth played too big a role in politics and that laws unduly harmed the poor. So in the 1920s they and their comrades work together with the Nazis to undermine democracy and the rule of law in Germany. They naïvely believed that the revolutionary destruction of the Weimar Republic would improve life for the poor. Well, they did successfully help to bring down the Weimar Republic, but in so doing they improved nothing. Life got worse, not better, not only for the poor and racial minorities in Germany, but for everybody in Germany, not to mention Europe. Jews were killed by the millions and Germans by the tens of millions. They only survived the war by fleeing Germany.

Did oppression exist in Germany before Hitler came to power? You bet. But in destroying the whole system, as opposed to reforming it, they only made matters worse. At the end of the book they say something like this. Imagine playing a baseball game in which the rules are rigged against you. When you bat, your strike zone is bigger than the opposing team’s strike zone. If there is a close call they are always ruled safe while you are always ruled out, etc. Under these conditions it’s hard, if not impossible, to win. This is the case for most poor people throughout the world. There is real oppression. But even though the game is rigged it is better to play within that game than to try to destroy the game outright and make a new one. When the game is destroyed, the powerful and strong simply remake the game so that it is even more to their advantage—or they ignore all rules and limitations altogether. Instead of just getting close calls, after he strikes out, a member of the opposing team will simply walk over to first base, bat in hand, and beat the first baseman to death and call himself safe. That is the justice that follows a revolution.

You cannot find a revolution anywhere in history that does not produce chaos, pain, famine, hardship, and death. When revolutionaries come to power life is ‘poore, nasty, brutish, and short.’ The more you think on this, the more you will realize it is true. Think of Robespierre and the reign of terror. I’ve already mention the purges of Stalin. Life became unbearable under Cromwell in England. Even noble revolutions like Protestant Revolution produced a grisly peasants revolt in Germany, a civil war in England, and the most brutal war before modern times—a war that diminished the population in Central Europe by a third (30 Years War). The only counterexamples you will find to this are revolutions which were in fact not revolutions at all. The American Revolution was no revolution. Instead of trying to remake or overthrow the state, American simply wanted to defend their rights as Englishmen and to continue to administer their own local governments as they had for the last century and a half. The so-called Velvet Revolution created two countries in the place of one, but that one country was an artificial construct, without historical basis, that was created neither by the Czechs nor Slovaks.

If history shows us time and again that revolutions consistently produce more harm than good, why do they happen? The easy answer is: people never learn from history. But beyond that, revolutions satisfy a vindictive urge within us. We see that the world is broken. We see injustice happening. And reform often does not work or it takes too long.[3] Revolution offers a quick solution.

Though I doubt we will have a full-fledged revolution anytime soon in this country, recently there has been an outcropping of revolutionary spirit. We saw this a couple years ago after the financial crisis. There was a lot of anger against Wall Street executives who it seemed had misused the system and enriched themselves while countless millions lost their savings and jobs. We’ve seen it most recently in Ferguson, Missouri. Just today the BBC quoted a mourner at the funeral saying the following: “If Darren Wilson is not charged, there will be an uprising.”[4] This man was saying, in effect, we don’t need to wait for all the facts to come to light, we don’t need due process and we can dispense with the rule of law, we need to act. This is the revolutionary spirit. What I would say to him and to those who want to occupy Wall Street, as well as those militia types that want to March on Washington and whatnot is: you had better pray you do not succeed in your aims. You’ll make life worse not only for others, but primarily for yourselves. There is oppression and you are right to be angry with it. But restrain and discipline yourselves, a quick fix will fix nothing. Instead, commit yourselves to long-term reform and you, with time, with lots and lots of time, will see results. 



[1] As will be clear, by revolution I mean a violent uprising with the expressed goal of destroying the existing order. 
[2] http://www.amazon.com/Between-Norm-Exception-Frankfurt-Contemporary/dp/0262691965/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1409016723&sr=8-1&keywords=between+the+norm+and+the+exception
[3] The seemingly endless time needed for effective reform is the reason why a person must have faith in an afterlife to be a truly effective reformer.
[4] http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-28924099

Wednesday, August 13, 2014

On Believing What We Want to Hear and Missing the Point

I am amazed (though I shouldn’t be) at how in our ‘question everything’ culture people so readily jump to conclusions. We see this most clearly in relation to politics—especially scandals. Republicans eagerly and excitedly pounce on every whiff of scandal by a democrat—whether or not there are sufficient facts to substantiate it. The reverse is obviously true as well. But I guess in a ‘I’m not as bad as him so vote for me’ political landscape, the only way to win is to make your opponent look worse than you, so this shouldn’t be surprising.

We see this too with the recent death of Michael Brown. Those distrustful of authority or who believe there is institutionalized racism plug this event into that framework and immediately assume this was an act of profiling and murder. Those who trust authority and (though they are less vocal about this) distrust young black men, assume that if Brown had been acting as he should have, this wouldn’t have happened.

We have a story like this and everyone, based on what they think they know, immediately jumps to conclusions. No one is sitting back waiting dispassionately for more facts to come to light before they reach a conclusion. But more facts are needed. For example, are there signs of an assault on the officer or in the police vehicle, at what range did the bullets hit (i.e. close in a way that would indicate a struggle, or far away), where did the bullets hit (e.g. in the chest or back) what are other witnesses saying, etc.?

I’ll admit that the distance of the body from the car and the number of rounds that are said to have hit the body (8) are very fishy. But more information is needed before people react with the type of certitude (and this is true of both sides) that they have reacted with.

Second, regarding this case, I have read a number of articles that have made a big deal about the fact that Michael Brown was unarmed. This is completely immaterial! If he was in fact doing no wrong and was murdered by a police officer, should it matter one iota if he was armed? If he had a gun on him, but did not use or brandish it, the police officer’s culpability would not in any way be lessened.

And if he in fact assaulted the officer (as the police department asserts), then the fact that he was unarmed is likewise irrelevant.


The issue of being armed or unarmed is a red herring so long as the weapon does not come into play. This issue distracts from the facts that need to be uncovered before we can come to a correct judgment.